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Washington Brazil Office

Mar 01 2024 | Nº. 106

Editorial

Former president Jair Bolsonaro held a large political rally in São Paulo on Sunday, February 25. The event was intended as a show of force for the far-right leader and as a public pushback against accusations that he orchestrated a coup attempt to hold onto power after losing the 2022 presidential election. Bolsonaro was joined by former First Lady Michelle Bolsonaro and several conservative governors who have always been close to the former president or who might be seeking to appeal to his supporters in future elections. Bolsonaro himself has been barred from seeking office until 2030, leaving a sizeable slice of the electorate theoretically up for grabs. The demonstration, which University of São Paulo researchers estimated was attended by 185,000 people, unfolded against the backdrop of ongoing investigations into Bolsonaro's alleged involvement in a coup attempt culminating in the January 8, 2023 insurrection in Brasilia. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva made a point of recognizing the scale of the rally, saying in an interview this week that “they held a big demonstration in São Paulo. Even if you don't want to believe it, just look at the image.” Lula urged vigilance and the need for his administration to continue delivering tangible results for most Brazilians.

Lula also remains committed to an active foreign policy, as evidenced by his visit to Guyana on Wednesday to attend the closing ceremony of the 46th Summit of Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). The state visit to Guyana aimed to strengthen Brazil's connection with its neighbor. Following the discovery of significant oil and gas reserves in Guyana, trade with Brazil has seen a significant surge. At the same time, the Venezuelan government has threatened military action against Guyana to reclaim the Essequibo region which it says was historically part of its national territory. Lula has publicly called for Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro to rule out the use of force. “A genocide in the Gaza Strip affects all of humanity because it questions our own sense of humanity,” Lula remarked in Guyana, adding that “it confirms once again the preferential option for military spending, rather than investments in combating hunger in Palestine, Africa, South America or the Caribbean.” Lula's visit to Guyana, his Thursday meeting with President Irfaan Ali, and his address at CARICOM marked a significant step in strengthening Brazil's ties with the Caribbean region, focusing on the potential for expanded economic cooperation, joint efforts to counter the threat of climate change, and peace in the region and beyond.

Increased international cooperation was also at the heart of Finance Minister Fernando Haddad’s agenda during the summit of chief G20 economic policymakers held this week in São Paulo. “We must admit that we still need to make the billionaires of the world pay their fair contribution in taxes,” Haddad noted, calling for deeper joint efforts to tackle tax evasion, address legal loopholes, and counter other strategies the ultrarich use to hoard wealth. In calling for a more level playing field for those with and without vast resources, Haddad’s proposals were of a piece with Brazil’s broader priorities during its temporary role at the head of the G20. 


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Highlights

  • MEMORY AND JUSTICE. President Lula said this week in an interview with a Brazilian television station that he will not “remember” the 1964 coup. For him, it is important to “move history forward.” The statement generated complaints from organizations of victims of the dictatorship, such as the Movement of Relatives of Political Dead and Disappeared and the Brazilian Coalition for Memory, Truth, Justice, Reparation and Democracy. In a statement, the Coalition said that talking about the dictatorship “is not dwelling on the past; it is discussing the future.” For these organizations, “vehemently repudiating the 1964 coup is a way of reaffirming their commitment to punishing current coups and possible future attempts.”

  • PALESTINE.  In Geneva, Switzerland, Minister of Human Rights and Citizenship Silvio Almeida defended the creation of a “free and sovereign” Palestinian State, which coexists with Israel. At the opening of the 55th Session of the UN Human Rights Council, Lula's minister stated that this is an “indispensable condition for peace.” Silvio also said he “celebrates” South Africa's initiative to accuse Israel of the crime of genocide at the International Court of Justice in The Hague in a process that has formal support from the Brazilian State.

  • CAR WASH OPERATION. Federal Supreme Court Minister Dias Toffoli invalidated the Lava Jato (Car Wash) Operation evidence collected against Delcídio do Amaral, who was the leader of President Dilma Rousseff's government in Congress before he was arrested in 2015. The annulment occurs due to the invalidation of evidence collected from programs and spreadsheets that were used by the construction company Odebrecht to pay bribes to politicians. The Supreme Court has issued several decisions to annul evidence collected in this system because the material was handled incorrectly during the investigation and trial phase in lower courts.

  • ELECTORAL RULES. The Brazilian Supreme Court defined that the use of artificial intelligence resources will only be allowed in Brazilian elections if the advertisements are accompanied by an explicit warning that there is synthetic multimedia content. The use of deepfakes is absolutely prohibited. Candidates will also not be able to use avatars and other resources to simulate that the voter is in contact with a real person when using online services and making contact with a site.

  • SURPLUS. In January, the Federal Government recorded a primary surplus of R$79.3 billion (US$15.9 billion). Revenues grew 3 percent above inflation compared to the same month of the previous year. The good news comes shortly after the government celebrated record fundraising of R$280.64 billion (US$56 billion), which represents an increase of 6.67 percent compared to January last year.

  • DENGUE EPIDEMIC. Brazil is experiencing an unprecedented dengue epidemic. There are now more than 900,000 cases and more than 180 deaths caused by the bite of a mosquito that thrives in heat and stagnant water – two abundant characteristics in a summer that alternates between lots of sun and heavy rain. It is estimated that there are more than 4 million cases of dengue in the country. The discrepancy with the data collected is because the majority of those infected do not seek out the health system. Despite the seriousness of the situation, data shows that state governments failed to use 70 percent of the funds allocated to preventing this pandemic in 2023.

  • NO SEWAGE. Brazil still has 49 million people who live without adequate connection to sewage networks and 4.8 million people without running water. The data appears in the 2022 Demographic Census released by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE).

 


NEWS FROM WBO, ORGANIZATIONS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS:

NEW AFFILIATIONS. The WBO announced this week the affiliation of the Federation of Favela Associations of the State of Rio de Janeiro (FAFERJ), which since 1963 has worked to defend the dignity and rights of residents of Rio de Janeiro's favelas. This is the 61st organization affiliated with the WBO. Check out the complete list here.

COMPANIES AND THE ENVIRONMENT. European Union member states decided this week not to adopt a law that would help curb human rights and environmental abuses caused by private companies. The Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive was overturned after four years of debate. NGOs such as World Wildlife Foundation said European authorities “not only disregard the lives, communities and ecosystems affected by destructive business practices, but also deal a blow to their own credibility as policymakers.”

HUMAN RIGHTS. The WBO accompanies the 55th Session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva with the presence of Paulo Lugon Arantes, its coordinator for the
WBO’s Europe Program. Until April 5, the organization will be monitoring the program in loco and advising Brazilian civil society organizations, such as Assessoria Popular Maria Felipa, an entity that worked with more than 300 victims of torture in the Brazilian prison system every year, and which will an intervention on the topic in a plenary session in March.

 

Feature Article

By Nina Santos

Why Do We Need to Discuss and Find Parameters for “Information integrity”?

The term “information integrity” has been increasingly used, especially by international organizations and now also by the Brazilian government. In 2023, at least four cooperation agreements between Brazil and other countries using this term were signed. In the context of Brazil presiding over the G20, this idea has gained even more prominence and has guided actions related to combating misinformation and hate speech, as well as defending the regulation of digital platforms and the construction of a “democratic” or “healthy digital space.”

All of this certainly is very positive, but the fact is that there is only academic literature in English on the idea of information integrity, which makes th


Retracing the history of the term “information integrity"

The expression “information integrity” gains global notoriety especially after Policy Brief 8, published by the UN in June 2023. In this document, information integrity refers to the "accuracy, consistency and reliability of information. It is threatened by disinformation, misinformation and hate speech."

Just over a year earlier, in February 2022, the United Nations Development Program had published the document "Information Integrity: Forging a Pathway to Truth, Resilience and Trust,” in which it conceptualizes information integrity as being "determined by 'accuracy, consistency and reliability of content, processes and information systems to maintain a healthy information ecosystem'”.

Following the few references mentioned in documents from international organizations, it is clear that the idea of “information integrity” appears very close to attempts to protect communication ecosystems, especially in countries outside the Western axis. It must also be said that all the references used are not only from organizations located in the global north, but are also based on concrete examples and cases from these countries.

The problems with the term as-is:

It is necessary to emphasize focusing on space and flow, not unity.

The idea of "information integrity" and especially the translation "information integrity" can give the impression that the focus is on the unity of information, which would need to be complete. In other words, there would be a sender, producer of information, who would publish an informational unit that should be protected, maintained in full until its reception. An idea that is at odds with the communication scenario we have today.

Furthermore, the idea of information integrity may imply that the problem would be in delivering complete information to the citizen. In other words, upon receiving complete information, citizens would be able to fully exercise their citizenship. We need, however, to consider that reception can be problematic (as it often is), and this is also a communication problem. It is not enough for information to reach citizens in its entirety, it must make sense within a worldview. They are communication processes, but it is not just the integrity of the information that will be able to contain them.

A third point that needs to be discussed arises from the fact that it is necessary to consider that a large part of the problems in the current communication scenario are related to flows. The digital paths that information takes to reach citizens (especially those that go through digital platforms) now have intermediaries that did not exist in the previous communication model. Therefore, there are a series of problems that are not related to the information itself, but to the environment in which it circulates, which directly impacts its social effects. To draw a parallel, when we talk about election integrity, we are talking about “electoral integrity” and not “voting integrity.” It is the system that we think about, the social functioning that a sum of mechanisms has, and not the unity of the voter's decision.


Successive import of concepts and imaginaries from the global north

These problems in interpreting the term are accentuated by the most used translation in Portuguese: “integridade da informação” or “information integrity.” It has a much more unitary and less systemic meaning than the original in English. The fundamental problem is that, once again, we are importing an external concept without much discussion. This makes it difficult to choose a translation – and, therefore, a social meaning – since there is no understanding of what the term actually means.

Much of the discussion about the new communication scenario has been based on foreign terms that simply do not have an accurate translation into Portuguese. It was like this with fake news, which, as several authors have already highlighted, is not the same thing as “fake news.” It was also the same with the difference between “misinformation” and “disinformation,” which is impractical in Portuguese and which ended up putting everything in the “disinformation” category.

Now let us, once again, adopt a foreign term – and an imaginary one – simply trying to find a linguistic translation, without thinking about its real meaning. It is an idea with an embedded a vision of communication that does not address our problems.

The opportunity to build an informational agenda from the South

If Brazil consolidated its position of international leadership with the approval of the Marco Civil da Internet (Civilian Framework of the Internet0 and the holding of NetMundial in 2014, this year the possibilities are even greater. In 2024, a moment of Brazil's new international protagonism in which debates about information are at the center of the agenda, we have the opportunity to think about a Brazilian proposal for the world. It should be one that considers the reality of Brazil, Latin America, the BRICS, and the Global South, and uses this as input to formulate which parameters are actually important for us in the digital communication environment.

When we talk about communication and information in Brazil and in countries in the global South, we are often talking about realities largely dominated by commercial, hegemonic and extremely concentrated journalism. We are talking about many countries where communication via messaging apps is absolutely central.  We are dealing with young and often unstable democracies. We are referring to societies with abysmal levels of social inequality, which impact the way people consume information. We are talking about countries where hate speech not only circulates, but also serves to reinforce historical oppressions, such as racism. We are dealing with countries heavily impacted by socio-environmental problems. And, with all necessary emphasis, we are talking about countries that are physically and imaginatively far from the headquarters of big techs, which successively treat these countries and their citizens as second class.

Our challenge is to bring to the world a proposal of innovative, creative and purposeful parameters of what we want from a democratic communication space.

 

*Nina Santos is director of Aláfia Lab, general coordinator of *disinformante and researcher at the National Institute of Science and Technology in Digital Democracy (INCT.DD) and at the Center d'Analyse et de Recherche Interdisciplinaires sur lesmédias (Université Panthéon-Assas).

Feature articles express the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editors or WBO.

 
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