jpcharleaux@braziloffice.org͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ ͏‌ 
Washington Brazil Office

Feb 28 2025| Nº. 156

Editorial


On Wednesday, February 26, the Trump administration issued its first official statement regarding Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who has become a focal point of right-wing ire for his efforts to hold accountable those involved in anti-democratic activities in recent years. The State Department’s Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs criticized Moraes directly, particularly the fines he has imposed on U.S.-based digital platforms for not complying with orders to block social media profiles of Brazilians found to be in violation of Brazilian law. From the point of view of the new administration in Washington, Moraes’ actions are a form of “censorship” that conflicts with the principle of free speech and emphasized that blocking access to information is incompatible with democratic values.

Last week, the president’s own social media company, known as Trump Media & Technology Group, and the platform Rumble filed a lawsuit in the U.S. District Court of Florida, challenging Moraes' extraterritorial orders. The lawsuit specifically involved the case of Allan dos Santos, a Brazilian supporter of far-right former President Jair Bolsonaro, whose social media profiles were ordered blocked by Moraes. On the same day that the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs released its statement, the U.S. House Judiciary Committee approved the "No Censorship On Our Shores Act" " (HR 1071), which seeks to revoke visas and bar entry to foreign officials like Moraes who violate the free speech rights of U.S. citizens. Introduced by Republican representatives Darrell Issa and Maria Salazar in September 2024, the bill could impact Moraes and other Brazilian officials involved in blocking social media profiles, but still requires passage by both chambers of Congress and President Trump’s signature to become law.

Not long after the critical U.S. statement, Brazil’s Foreign Ministry (Itamaraty) issued a sharp reply. Reportedly written by Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira and the Special Presidential Advisor for International Affairs Celso Amorim in consultation with Moraes, the statement emphasized Brazilian sovereignty and suggested that Washington misunderstands both the process and substance of recent Brazilian jurisprudence. The tenor of the Brazilian statement made clear that while the Lula administration remains eager to avoid escalating tensions with the Trump administration, it will not cede to pressure from the United States on matters of domestic policy. Moraes indirectly alluded to the matter on Thursday, February 26 as the Brazilian Supreme Court began proceedings, stating that "we ceased to be a colony on September 7, 1822, and with courage, we are building an independent and increasingly better Republic.”


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Highlights

  • Popularity. At least three surveys released in 2025 show a drop in President Lula's popularity. According to Datafolha, the percentage of Brazilians who say they are satisfied with this third term fell from 35% to 24% in just two months. In the same period, the disapproval rate went from 34% to 41%. On Monday, February 24, Lula made a speech on radio and TV, in which he highlighted the positive measures taken by his administration. The initiative was taken by his communications team, which seeks to reverse the president's unpopularity rates.

  • Higher education. The percentage of the Brazilian population with a higher education level has almost tripled since 2000. Despite the marked improvement, only 20% of Brazilians over the age of 25 have attended college. This percentage was only 6.8% 25 years ago.

  • Formal employment. Brazil created 137.3 thousand formal jobs, with formal employment records, in January 2025. This number is the result of the balance between the 2.271 million hires and the 2,134 layoffs registered in the same period. The result is worse than that registered in January 2024, but it is much better than the projections, which indicated a balance of only 48 thousand vacancies for January.

  • Parliamentary amendments. Supreme Court Justice Flávio Dino partially authorized parliamentary amendments, through which congressmen can allocate public resources to their electoral bases, without interference from the executive branch. The contingency of these expenses had been a source of friction between the legislative and judicial branches. Dino maintained, however, the prohibition of the so-called “pix amendments”, which are those authorized expressly, without requiring minimum details about their purposes. Another suspension that was upheld is the one that allocates amendments to NGOs. The minister's decision still needs to be ratified by the Supreme Court's plenary.

  • Drop in profits. Petrobras' profits in 2024 were R$36.6 billion, 70% lower than the profits recorded in 2023. The drop is mainly due to the devaluation of the Brazilian currency, the real, in relation to the dollar, which influences the debts that Petrobras has with its subsidiaries abroad. In addition, there was a 3% decrease in national oil and gas production, a 4.1% decrease in gasoline sales, and a 2.8% decrease in diesel sales.

 

News from ABO and social organizations and movements:

Podcast on air. In the latest episode of the Brazil Unfiltered podcast, produced by the Brazil Office, host James N. Green talks to João Carlos Jarochinski, a professor at the Federal University of Roraima, about how the far right in Brazil and the US deal with the issue of immigration. Click on the link to listen to the episode, which is produced only in English. The subject was also addressed by Jarochinski in an article published in the last edition of the newsletter. Click on the link to read.

Water resources. Last week, the CBJC (Brazilian Center for Climate Justice) launched a booklet on “the fight for the right to water in Black communities”. The publication, produced in partnership with the Jequitinhonha Observatory and Climax Now, reveals the realities and solutions of rural Black communities to face water scarcity and guarantee the right to water. Click on the link to read and download the publication for free.

No amnesty. The Brazil Office, together with 12 other Brazilian civil society organizations, are promoting a petition on social media addressed to the new president of the Chamber of Deputies, Hugo Motta, so that he does not propose any legislative measures that could result in amnesty for those involved in the failed coup attempt on January 8, 2023. Click on the link to support the campaign.

Brazilian savanna. The Escolhas Institute published a report this week called “How much does Brazil need to invest to restore the Cerrado?” The document points out that this biome has 6 million hectares of deforested land that need to be restored, which corresponds to half of the goal assumed by Brazil in the Paris Agreement in 2015 to plant 12 million hectares of forests by 2030. With the restoration of native vegetation in Permanent Preservation Areas and Legal Reserves, net revenue could reach R$781.3 billion. Read the study at the link.

 

Feature Article

Where Are Human Rights Headed in the World? The Answer Is Blowing in the Wind

By Paulo Lugon Arantes*

“Be warned: this could happen again”
Volker Türk, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights

In a clearly atypical year, the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), the United Nations’ global parliament on the subject, began its most important session of the year in February known as the High-level Segment. In this segment, senior authorities from member states register to the world their concerns and directions for the global wind of human rights.

This year’s Segment opened with UN Secretary-General Antônio Guterres declaring that “human rights are the oxygen of humanity (…) but, one by one, human rights are being suffocated.” This statement was complemented, shortly afterwards, by High Commissioner Voker Turk himself, who warned, at the high point of his speech, that the consolidation of human rights is not a given, although, at the end, he said that there is a way to ensure them. 

The messages from the various national and regional delegations were tempered with traditional diplomatic restraint. The European Union made a solemn speech, declaring that it “can count on the EU to continue to be a reliable partner in collaboration with our common agenda”, quietly filling a space left by the US withdrawal from the UNHRC. China did not shy away from also filling this space with a well-known tone of cooperation and solidarity in relation to its own vision of a correct UNHRC. India, also a promoter of the philosophy of cooperation, praised the importance of multilateralism, even while advocating a reform of its structures so that they reflect current global realities, without which human rights violations will increase.

In a similar tone, South Africa declared that it would continue to advocate reform of the global governance institutions, criticizing the selectivity (cherry-picking) present in the Council – a criticism that dates back to the former Commission on Human Rights, which was succeeded by the Council. 

Such speeches contrast with a silence: that of the U.S. delegation. This silence, however, is full of meanings, the most obvious of which is the Trump II administration's clear position on human rights. The United States' return to the Geneva Consensus Declaration, which denies the concept of gender, and its defense of its concept of freedom of expression, perhaps speak for themselves, without needing to be heard in a speech. Another possible meaning: a demonstration of supremacy, of not needing to explain to the world community its very clear position on universal human standards, established over the last eight decades.

Traditionally, on a global level, the United States denies the existence of Economic, Social, Cultural and Environmental Rights (ESCER). But it supports essential issues, such as civic space and human rights defenders, lending its political weight and influence in this regard. However, with the complete departure from the UNHRC, many defenders, including those of environmental and social issues, lose an important voice. At the same time, the United States is also losing much of its soft power and civic leadership in this global arena where the dispute over concepts for hearts and minds is incessant.

The so-called withdrawal of the United States from the UNHRC has more symbolic than official value. The country, still under the Biden administration, last year, already foreseeing a likely Trump victory, did not run for a seat on the body. So, officially, as a non-member of the UNHRC, one cannot leave where one is not. However, the abrupt withdrawal of funding for civil society organizations and the UN High Commissioner itself represents a traumatic exit. This abrupt move also exposes a structural and long-standing problem: the instability of the financing philosophy of the UN human rights system.

And Brazil?


Human Rights Minister Macaé Evaristo participated in the first day of the High-Level Segment, giving a courageous speech. She officially defended the renewal of the mandate of the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Committee this year, in addition to giving one of the few speeches denouncing the rise of the extreme right – one of the main threats to human rights today. This threat is not only present in Brazil, but in a Europe that holds its breath with each vote count of its member countries, including the French and German governments, as well as the United States, on the other side of the Atlantic. Evaristo also reinforced issues that are important to Brazilian diplomacy, such as the Second Decade for People of African Descent, and announced Brazil's candidacy for reelection to the Council in 2027. 

It was a bold speech, considering Brazil's wide range of alliances. Brazil is a founding member of the BRICs, a group that includes Russia and China, two countries that resist the idea of civil and political rights. But it is also a Brazil that is on the verge of concluding the European Union-Mercosur Agreement, whose overseas partner is reluctant to deal with mechanisms to address issues related to those of African descent at the UN. 

In short, this is a true crossroads. It is comforting to see Brazil acting emphatically at a time of internal uncertainty and internal struggles as well. It is hoped that this external impetus will also inspire those in Brazil, especially in the Congress that is more conservative than ever before. In any case, it was a strong speech that broke with the lukewarm and overly polite aura presented during the High-Level Segment, which is inadequate for such difficult times.

And now, where is the wind blowing? And what is the answer blowing in the wind? The apparent apathy and politeness of the High-Level Segment, broken by Brazil, may answer that question: be careful with the strong trade winds and counter-trade winds that alternate without warning, typical of the climate changes that Pacha Mama (Mother Earth) is now suffering through. In this case, like an old sailor who takes the boat slowly through the fog, asking the poet for permission to pass.

*Paulo Lugon Arantes is a lawyer with expertise in the international protection of human rights and the coordinator of the Europe Brazil Office (EBO). He has a bachelor's degree in Legal Sciences from the Federal University of Espírito Santo, UFES (1999); a Master’s in Law in International and European Protection of Human Rights from the University of Utrecht (2003); and a doctorate with a focus on racial discrimination from Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (2019). He is currently a professor, consultant, and reviewer with extensive work in the UN Human Rights Protection system.

 

Feature articles express the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editors or WBO.

 
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