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Washington Brazil Office

Dce 12 2025| Nº. 186

Editorial

At an Atlantic Council event on Wednesday, December 10, U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer said President Donald Trump has had several constructive discussions on trade with Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Greer described Brazil as a willing partner in pursuing a closer economic relationship, although both sides would need to make concessions for any lasting deal. Greer offered no details on timing or scope but noted recent improvements after Trump rolled back steep tariffs on Brazilian food exports while the United States continues to investigate Brazil’s tariff and non-tariff practices. The remarks reflect a mix of cooperation and ongoing friction in the bilateral trade relationship. Meanwhile, however, senior Brazilian officials warned this week about the potential fallout of a U.S. strike against Venezuela. Celso Amorim, Lula’s main foreign policy advisor, said such an intervention risked precipitating a Vietnam-style conflict in the region. 

Against this backdrop, domestic politics in Brazil heated up this week. Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of former president Jair Bolsonaro, currently imprisoned for an attempted coup after the 2022 election, declared that he would be seeking the presidency next year. After consulting with his father, Flávio declared his candidacy “irreversible.” He cited enthusiasm among the far-right base even as most surveys show stronger support for former First Lady Michelle Bolsonaro and São Paulo Governor Tarcísio de Freitas. Flávio, however, dismissed suggestions he might withdraw if his father were freed and highlighted efforts to secure backing from major parties on the right and center-right. Recent polls place Flávio at about 19 percent—behind Lula’s 38 percent but ahead of other right-leaning candidates. Amid the uncertainty, one thing is clear: the opposition has yet to agree on a single candidate to face Lula next year.

The week was also marked by escalating disorder in the lower house of Congress as legislators weighed whether to expel deputy Glauber Braga of the Party of Socialism and Liberty over a physical altercation with a right-wing activist. What began as a disciplinary proceeding on Wednesday, December 10 quickly spiraled into an institutional confrontation involving a hunger strike, Braga’s forcible removal from the presiding officer’s chair, and a brief suspension of the Chamber’s broadcast feed following clashes with legislative police. By late evening, the office of the president intervened directly. At the encouragement of Institutional Relations Minister Gleisi Hoffmann, congressional Workers’ Party leaders managed to halt Braga’s expulsion. The case ended in a partial victory, with the leftist congressman receiving a six-month suspension rather than losing his seat. Progressive lawmakers cast the result as a defense of democratic norms but one that exposed the chamber’s deep internal fissures.

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Highlights

  • Clash of Powers. Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes decided on Thursday night to overturn the decision made the previous day by a majority of the Chamber of Deputies to uphold the mandate of Federal Congresswoman Carla Zambelli. The representative had been sentenced in May to ten years in prison for hiring a hacker to invade the computer systems of the National Council of Justice. She fled to Italy, where she is imprisoned, awaiting the execution of a possible extradition order. The Supreme Court's ruling, issued seven months ago, already provided for the automatic revocation of Zambelli's mandate, but the Speaker of the Chamber, Hugo Motta, took a defiant stance and submitted the matter to a plenary vote, instead of simply ratifying the Judiciary's decision. The majority decided to uphold Zambini's mandate, once again putting the legislative branch on a collision course with the judiciary.

  • Anti-Faction Bill. The Senate approved the so-called Anti-Gang Bill, which toughens penalties for members of criminal organizations in Brazil. The final version of the text excluded several provisions that had been introduced by Congressman Guilherme Derrite and incorporated measures advocated by the Lula government. Derrite, a hardliner of the far right, wanted, for example, to subordinate the actions of the Federal Police to state governments. This is one of the important points that were dropped. As there were changes to the text, each of the altered points will be discussed again in the House of Representatives, only then to be submitted for presidential approval. The debate on combating organized crime is one of the most important topics on the current political agenda in Brazil and is expected to dominate the 2026 presidential campaign.

  • High interest rates. The Central Bank's Economic Policy Committee maintained, for the fourth consecutive time, its decision to keep the basic interest rate in Brazil at 15% – the highest level in almost 20 years. Brazil has one of the highest interest rates in the world. The Central Bank's justification is to control inflation, especially on the eve of an election year. The Lula government argues, however, that high interest rates inhibit the economy and delay development.

  • Inequality. Brazil is the 5th most unequal country in the world, among the 216 countries surveyed by the World Inequality Lab network, based in Paris, which published its third report on the subject this week. The top 10% of Brazilians in terms of per capita income hold 59.1% of the national income, while the poorest half receives 9.3%. 

  • Femicide. Thousands of people took to the streets of several Brazilian cities last Sunday to protest violence against women. In São Paulo, the demonstration gathered more than 9,000 people on Avenida Paulista, a traditional gathering point for political events. The crime of femicide was officially recognized in Brazil in 2015. In 2023, there was a record number of registered cases, with 1,463 occurrences recorded.

  • Climate change. The passage of an extratropical cyclone on Wednesday, December 10 at night left 1.5 million homes without electricity in Greater São Paulo, the largest and richest metropolitan region in Brazil. At least 2.2 million people were without power for several hours. Damage was also reported in southern Brazil, where climate events have been causing increasingly larger and more frequent catastrophes.

 

News from ABO and social organizations and movements:

American Interventionism. In his most recent article in Agência Pública, James N. Green, president of the WBO's Board of Directors, discusses the interventionism of US President Donald Trump in Latin America. He reviews a history that began in the nineteenth century with the Monroe Doctrine and continued up until the current stage of the so-called “war on drugs,” with which the US government threatens to remove presidents and change regimes in the region. Read the column.

Against Tariffs. The WBO declared its support this week for the letter that Democratic Congressional Representative Linda Sanchez sent to US President Donald Trump, questioning the imposition of trade tariffs on Brazil. The text criticizes "the multiple and unprecedented attempts to undermine democracy" in the country by the current American administration.

Human Rights Council. Paulo Lugon Arantes, coordinator of the EBO (Europe Brazil Office), launched his pre-candidacy for the United Nations Human Rights Committee this week. Lugon is one of the Brazilians with the longest and most consistent involvement in the UN Human Rights System, where he has worked for years to promote the protagonism of civil society. The selection of members is done through direct voting by the members of the UN General Assembly.

Temporal Framework. Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB) is closely monitoring the judgment on the constitutionality of Law 14.701/23, which attempts to reinstate points already considered unconstitutional in the so-called Temporal Framework. The debate in the Brazilian Supreme Court this week recorded a historic scene when lawyer Dinamã Tuxá, representing PSOL, gave a speech in plenary, wearing a headdress, in homage to the resistance of his people. See the image.

Caatinga. The Constitution and Justice Committee (CCJ) of the Chamber of Deputies approved the final wording of PL 1990/2024, which creates the Policy for the Recovery of Caatinga Vegetation. Now, the text goes to its final stage of deliberation in the Senate. The Escolhas Institute continues to monitor the legislative debate and provides technical support for the drafting and processing of the text.

 

Feature Article

COP of Truths: If Belém Didn't solve Issues, It Set an Agenda

By Caetano Scannavino*

This article was kindly provided by the author for publication on the Aliança Brazil Office website on December 8, 2025, after having been originally published on the Papo de Responsa blog of the Folha de São Paulo newspaper on December 3. Click here to access the original publication.

Truths be told. We already knew, but Belém further exposed the disregard for its own future of the most powerful nations, which call themselves the leaders of humanity.

From the permanent members of the UN Security Council, at COP30 we saw a weakened Europe, a Russia at war, and the absence of the now climate change denying United States, the planet's biggest polluter along with China, which showed little willingness to make progress.

If there is any consensus among them, it is the need for more funds for weapons. Moreover, military spending in 2024 reached US$2.7 trillion, more than double the amount sought (US$1.3 trillion per year) to support the poorest nations in addressing climate change.

Given the difficult situation, expectations for ambitious agreements at COP30 were always low. By that metric, Belém even managed to deliver some results. If we needed to rush, at least we moved forward, in the areas of just transition, attention to the most impacted populations, global adaptation goals, forests, financing, new NDCs, "less bad," but insufficient, as usual.

Everything still needs improvement, and some already have deadlines and agendas for continuation. This has been the case with the last COPs, in the mold of those meetings, namely, to schedule new meetings.

The Conferences of the Parties, by themselves, have not been sufficient to address the magnitude of the planetary climate challenge. Yes, it's better to have COPs than not, but other mechanisms, other instances, and political movements beyond the annual diplomatic cycles are necessary for more effective global governance.

Climate should be a priority agenda item in neighborhood meetings as well as in G20s, OPECs, or World Forums. For this, social mobilization is crucial.

That's where Belém showed what it's made of, demonstrating the strength of a COP of civil society, from the Amazon, from the Global South. That's the glass that is half full.

It was the COP that had [Chief] Raoni and [shaman] Davi Kopenawa together speaking about the falling sky, with the biggest march of all, carimbós at the Açaí Fair, and lots of sound equipment. Belém was a host city that radiates culture, a receptive people, a vibe of human warmth necessary to bring the real (and unequal) world into the negotiations, something lacking in recent editions.

Baku, Dubai, and Sharm El Sheikh were three COP conferences held in countries with restrictions on social participation. There was a pent-up clamor for mobilizations of civil society from Brazil and the world, something that the streets of Belém, more than anyone else, know the path to.

Of the thirty conferences held up to that point, this one had the greatest participation of Indigenous and traditional peoples, the legitimate Amazonian hosts who were demanding more space in the decision-making process. We had important movements such as the COP of the Baixadas and the People's Summit, with more than 30,000 people gathered in parallel concerts at the Federal University of Pará.

From headdresses to the porongaço (a traditional Amazonian dance), from boat parades to a record-breaking march with more than 70,000 people, society, without pens in hand (nor credentials), pressured those who have them to emerge from their lethargy, for well-being, for the ancestral future, for ways of life different from the one that is leading us to the end.

It was from the Global South, from the mobilization of organizations and social movements, that real agendas emerged, where climate is not just about carbon. It is also about social justice, rights, reparations for Afro-descendants, and recognition of the demands of Indigenous and traditional peoples as part of the solution. Without social issues, there is no environmental impact.

Those who contributed the least are the ones who suffer the most on an increasingly warmer planet. Pure truth.

As much as the roadmaps for ending deforestation and the burning of fossil fuels, these are the real paths forward.  After all, there have been 30 COPs without any agreed plan or timetable for the gradual elimination of oil, gas, and coal, which represent more than 70% of the emissions that are leading us to climate collapse.

Forests and biomes are the best, cheapest, and safest remedy, because without them, the planet loses its own climate regulation system.

As scientist Antonio Nobre rightly points out, "It's not enough to just stop drinking if you don't treat cirrhosis. Even if we zero out emissions, the climate emergency would persist without large-scale ecological restoration." If the roadmaps didn't make it into the final document, it will be a shame, especially since it was from Belém that these almost impossible agendas, sponsored by powerful lobbies, challenged diplomatic passivity, boosting a political movement of a size that's here to stay.

Credit also goes to President Lula, supported by Minister Marina, who put the issues on the table after listening to science and the movements. With society at the high standard set in Belém, that was all that was needed to gain traction.

Unprecedentedly in COPs, what began with one country ended with more than 80 countries positioning themselves for the end of fossil fuels, under the watchful eyes of oil lobbyists increasingly present in the Blue Zone.

Keeping the roadmap agenda alive has become a commitment of the Brazilian presidency throughout 2026. The movement will continue beyond the COPs, such as Colombia's call for a World Conference on the subject.

If those who know how to seize the moment don't wait for things to happen, it's up to us to keep inviting ourselves. Belém didn't resolve crucial questions, but it has set an agenda. #OccupyBogotá!


*Caetano Scannavino é Coordenador da ONG Projeto Saúde & Alegria e integrante da Rede Folha de Empreendedores Socioambientais

 

Feature articles express the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editors or WBO.

 
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