Dec 15 2023 | Nº. 97

Editorial

This week, two of President Lula’s recent appointments were approved by the Senate. First, Justice Minister Flávio Dino secured a spot on the Federal Court (STF), a nomination that was not seriously in jeopardy but that had been criticized by the opposition as overly partisan. Dino, a former governor elected senator last year, has tangled frequently with conservative members of Congress, particularly as a result of investigations into the January 8 insurrection by supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro. Dino is expected to be a progressive voice on the highest court who will likely set aside what many assumed was a desire to run for president at some point in the future. The other important nominee approved this week was Paulo Gonet, a generally conservative jurist set to become the country’s next prosecutor general, a position similar to attorney general in the United States. The approvals reflect an abiding respect for the tradition that presidents are given considerable latitude—even by the opposition—in choosing names to serve in the federal judiciary. 

Outside Brazil, events this week were less in line with Lula’s preferences. On Sunday, December 10, Argentina’s far-right new President Javier Milei was inaugurated. Whereas Lula decided not to attend, sending Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira in his stead, former President Bolsonaro was in Buenos Aires to celebrate the empowerment of a new ally. Indeed, the Lula administration was reportedly unhappy with the extent to which Milei has signaled a fondness for Bolsonaro, a dynamic that underscores the new, decidedly cooler relationship between Argentina and its larger neighbor. In some ways, Milei has already walked back some of his most intemperate remarks. He did ultimately invite Lula to his inauguration, for example, and he has been much more conciliatory toward China after harshly criticizing the communist country during the campaign. Still, Milei now represents a problem to be managed rather than a friendship to be nurtured.

A similar transformation might be taking place in Venezuela albeit without a change of leadership. A steadfast defender of the Venezuelan government, Lula has reportedly become annoyed with strongman Nicolás Maduro over his increasing hostility toward neighboring Guyana. Brazil shares a border with both countries and would very likely find itself involved should Venezuela launch an attack. As Minister of Defense José Múcio put it this week, “the only way Venezuela can invade [Guyana] by land is through Brazilian territory. We will not allow that under any circumstances.” As he has in other ongoing global conflicts, Lula has offered to help mediate a peaceful solution. It remains to be seen whether Maduro, who is likely seeking a distraction ahead of what are expected to be competitive elections under international observation next year, is interested in one.

Highlights

• TIME FRAME. On Thursday night, December 14, the Brazilian Congress overturned the vetoes that President Lula had previously imposed on the “Marco Temporal,” a law that prohibits the demarcation of indigenous lands that have not already been claimed for this purpose by the time of the proclamation of the 1988 Constitution. The “Temporal Framework” had previously been approved by Congress, but Lula vetoed three fundamental sections of the law. These three vetoes have now been overturned. Most likely, the issue will end up being analyzed by the Brazilian Supreme Court, which already has a previous decision that goes against the approval of this “Temporal Framework”.

• SERGIO MORO. The Regional Electoral Prosecutor's Office of the state of Paraná issued a favorable opinion on the revocation of the mandate of Senator Sergio Moro and the ineligibility of the former judge, who was the main figure in the Lava Jato (Car Wash) operation, before becoming Bolsonaro's minister of justice and, subsequently, a senator. The body understood that there was an abuse of economic power during Moro's pre-election campaign in 2022. The case goes to the judge responsible for the case, who will only consider the matter in January 2024.

• HACKER. The Twitter account of First Lady Rosângela da Silva, known as Janja, was hacked this week. The profile started publishing offensive phrases in the name of President Lula's wife. Among the messages, there were posts with political content, such as attacks on justices of the Supreme Court. On Tuesday, December 12, the Federal Police carried out four search and seizure warrants against suspects involved in the case. The first lady associated the action with political hate and misogyny.

• JANONES' IMPEACHMENT. This week, the Ethics Council of the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of Congress, initiated a process to revoke the mandate of federal congressman José Janones, one of the most influential politicians on the Brazilian left on social media, who played an important role in Lula's campaign for president. Janones is accused of taking part in a practice that in Brazil is called “rachadinha,” when a politician receives a kickback of  part of the salary he or she pays his or her advisors. The Ethics Council's opinion will only be advisory, and the result will only be released in 2024. The history of punishments in similar cases is minor. The representative's future will only be decided with a vote in the Chamber's plenary session and will require the votes from at least 257 of the 513 congressional representatives.

• MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS. São Paulo, the most populous and one of the most influential capitals in Brazil, saw important political movements this week linked to the municipal election that will take place in 2024. In the extreme right camp, former President Jair Bolsonaro indicated support for his former minister of the nvironment and federal congressman Ricardo Salles. He did this rather than supporting the current mayor Ricardo Nunes, who is seeking re-election. On the left, pre-candidate Guilherme Boulos received symbolic support from the former mayor of New York, Bill de Blasio, who was in the capital of São Paulo. Furthermore, rumors grew about the possibility of the former mayor of São Paulo, Marta Suplicy, being a candidate for vice president on Boulos' ticket. Marta was a historic figure in the PT, but left the party after 33 years of membership.

• DROP IN INTEREST RATES. The Central Bank's Monetary Policy Committee announced the reduction of the basic interest rate by 0.5 percentage points on Wednesday, December 13. With this decision, the economy's basic interest rates go to 11.75 percent per year. This was the fourth consecutive meeting that resulted in a cut of this magnitude. These decreases  began in August 2023, after a year of maintaining the level at 13.75 percent per year. Reducing interest rates in Brazil was a priority for Lula, which put him in a head-on disagreement with the president of the Central Bank, Roberto Campos Neto, who has tenure in a position for which he was appointed by former President Jair Bolsonaro.

• STOCK MARKET ON THE RISE. The Brazilian Stock Exchange reached its historic high of 130,842 points on Thursday, December 14, after an increase of 1.06 percent. The good performance was driven by the expectation that U.S. interest rates could start to fall in 2024, following a signal made by the Fed, and also by the fall in the basic interest rate in Brazil. The performance surpassed the previous record, set on June 7, 2021, when the index reached 130,776 points.

NEWS FROM WBO, SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND ORGANIZATIONS:

POLICY PAPER. This week the WBO launched the 2023 edition of its policy paper – a document that provides an examination of Brazil's situation in the areas of democracy, human rights, sustainable development, racial equality, gender, sexual diversity, and socioeconomic development. The document is produced by WBO research fellows from some of the most prestigious universities in Brazil and the United States. The WBO's policy paper is aimed at researchers, politicians, activists, journalists and decision makers from both the public sector and private and philanthropic institutions, as well as financial and international organizations from Brazil and the United States. To access, visit the WBO website.

NEW EPISODE. The last episode of the year of Brazil Unfiltered, the WBO podcast, features presenter James N. Green as interviewee. The president of the WBO Board of Directors answers questions asked by the historian and editorialist of the WBO newsletter, André Pagliarini, about the activities of organization in 2023 and the challenges for 2024. The episode is an opportunity to learn in detail about the work of the organization that promotes, supports and strengthens the international articulation of Brazilian civil society organizations. On can watch the Brazil Unfiltered podcast on YouTube or listened to it on a preferred podcast service.

DOM AND BRUNO. In an official ceremony in Brasília this week, the Brazilian State installed the Joint Working Table for the Implementation of Precautionary Measures (injunctions) MC-449-22. The code refers to the Precautionary Measures issued by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to ensure that cases such as the murders of Bruno Pereira and Dom Philips are not repeated. The two were killed in June 2022, in Atalaia do Norte, Amazonas due to the work they were carrying out in protecting the environment and Indigenous peoples. The WBO, which was one of the petitioners at the IACHR, was present at the session, represented by its executive director, Paulo Abrão and the institutional relations coordinator, Sami Sternberg.

BRASKEM CASE. A group of 35 Brazilian civil society organizations launched a campaign to increase the value of compensation and speed up the relocation of families affected by the environmental disaster caused by the company Braskem in Maceió, where the collapse of rock salt mines led to sinking of the soil of five entire neighborhoods. The campaign is based on an internet platform through which it is possible to pressure the city's mayor, João Henrique Caldas. As of this week, almost 5 thousand people had sent letters to Caldas through the platform.

Feature Article

by James N. Green

Classified US documents about the 1964 coup in Brazil

The U.S. government still keeps around a thousand classified documents on the 1964 coup and the dictatorship that lasted 21 years in Brazil. We want US President Joe Biden to declassify these files so that we can have a better understanding of this historical period that is so important for both countries.

Through the Opening Archives project, we have already gained access to 60,000 records produced by different agencies of the U.S. government. These documents were fundamental for scholars of the period to be able to put together much of the puzzle about the relations between the U.S. government and the Brazilian dictatorship that we know about today. But there are portions of this puzzle that are still unclear. The approximately one thousand documents to which we request access can now help to better understand, for example, U.S. collaboration and financing of sectors of the Brazilian police involved in the persecution, torture, and death of political dissidents.

The moment is opportune. In 2024, we will remember the 60th anniversary of the 1964 coup d'état and the 200th anniversary of the recognition of Brazil's independence by the United States. Furthermore, we have a more recent fact: the important support that the Biden government gave to democracy in Brazil in 2022, by joining the international defense of the Brazilian electoral system when it was harshly attacked by former President Jair Bolsonaro.

We understand that opening these files would be a gesture of convergence between the two governments toward transparency and a mutual appreciation of democracy. The United States did not play a positive role in the 1964 coup, it is true. But history is not static. While it is true that an evil from the past cannot be reversed, it is also not true that we have to remain paralyzed by that evil. On the contrary, we must make every effort to do, today, for democracy what was not done before. And the opening of these archives is an important gesture in this direction.

On July 5, 2023, we sent a letter to President Biden asking for these documents to be declassified. The request was made based on the “commitment to transparency and the defense of democracy” that was so evident in the statements in support of Brazilian democracy in the last election, won by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

The document sent to Biden half a year ago was signed by sixteen Brazilian civil society organizations and eight prominent individuals.  The entire group has been very involved in research on this historical period and in the defense of democracy.

The text, addressed to Biden, says: "By declassifying documents related to the Brazilian dictatorship, you would demonstrate your unwavering commitment to truth, responsibility, and the rule of law. Furthermore, it would send a powerful signal to the Brazilian people that the United States stands with them [the Brazilian people] in their quest for justice and defense of democracy. Declassification would also provide valuable information about human rights violations committed during the Brazilian dictatorship and clarify the degree of the United States' involvement in or knowledge of these events. This act of transparency would also strengthen the foundations of our bilateral relationship, fostering trust and collaboration on important issues such as human rights, democracy, and regional stability."

The decision is Biden's, but Congress plays a very important role in US foreign policy. Therefore, on December 5, 2023, we redoubled our efforts in Washington, holding a briefing with U.S. congressional representatives and senators interested in the issue. With the support of Democratic Congresswoman Nydia Velázquez, two Brazilian colleagues, political scientist Maria Hermínia Tavares from the Brazilian Center for Analysis and Planning (CEBRAP) and Gabrielle Abreu from the Vladimir Herzog Institute, and I made a presentation on the importance of having access to these classified documents.

Recently, Chile made a similar request to the U.S. government on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the coup d'état that overthrew socialist President Salvador Allende and began 17 years of dictatorship led by General Augusto Pinochet. Following a request from Chile, the U.S. State Department published the daily briefing to the US Presidency for September 8 and 11, 1973.

It is known that the U.S. government played a leading role in the coups and military dictatorships that swept Latin America and the Caribbean during the Cold War. This is a nefarious and well-documented past, about which we already know a lot, but not enough.

Over the years, we have come to better understand the webs of cooperation between military governments, not only with the United States but also among each other. Brazil, for example, where the coup was carried out in 1964, played a preponderant role in Chile, where the coup would only occur nine years later. Today we know about the credit lines that were opened by the Brazilian government to the Chilean military junta, in addition to the export of instruments of torture and the knowledge used to subject prisoners at the National Stadium in Santiago to the tortures about which we are all familiar. 

Developing knowledge about these facts is an effective way to better understand history and to build a future in which the countries of the Americas are linked by common ideals of the promotion, defense, and preservation of democracy and human rights. This would be in contrast to the dark years of dictatorships, which will be better studied and debated by new generations.

James N. Green is a professor of Brazilian history and culture at Brown University, author of 11 books about Brazil, president of the Board of Directors of the Washington Brazil Office (WBO), and director of the Opening the Archive Project.

Feature articles express the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editors or WBO.