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Washington Brazil Office

Mar 17 2023 | Nº. 58

Editorial

In a cabinet meeting this week, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva chastised his ministers for publicly proposing policy ideas without first consulting with his chief of staff, former Bahia governor Rui Costa. “Each and every position,” Lula stated, “whatever brilliant idea someone may have, it is important that before announcing it, you hold a meeting with the chief of staff [casa civil] so that the chief of staff discusses it with the Presidency of the Republic and that we can call the author of the brilliant idea and announce it publicly as an initiative of this administration.” Although he did not say it directly, it was widely reported that Lula was furious with Minister of Ports and Airports Márcio França — the former governor of São Paulo — for floating a measure to offer incentives to private airline companies to sell empty seats at a reduced rate to students, the elderly, and the poor. Lula’s stated concern is that if his ministers go public with too many proposals before going through an internal evaluation process, the government could be hurt by unrealistic expectations. “We can't run the risk of announcing something that won't happen,” Lula said. 

This widely covered episode shines a light on Lula’s reading of the state of political affairs two months into his term. In political terms, Lula is perhaps most concerned about falling short of expectations already running high. In addition to reintroducing and revitalizing programs created during his first stint in office like Bolsa Família and Minha Casa, Minha Vida, he clearly wants to present new policy proposals. Those proposals, however, must be closely scrutinized according to their feasibility and necessity.

Lula has always been more circumspect about policy than his most ardent critics recognize. He is famously not attuned to the minor details of complex policies as they are being developed. Instead, he will challenge ministers to address specific problems. Once a plan is presented, however, Lula becomes an effective spokesman capable of justifying the rationale and design of major initiatives. The lecture Lula gave his cabinet this week, then, should not be taken as an indication that Lula intends to eschew a broad array of policies in favor of simple restorations of things he accomplished previously. Rather, it should inspire a degree of confidence that the government takes seriously its mandate and the limits of what is possible given the challenging fiscal situation facing the country this year. In the end, the initiatives that the government does choose to advance will almost certainly have gone through rigorous internal debate across various cabinet ministries. This process should, in turn, result in better, more durable policies overall.

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Highlights

  • ILLEGAL ESPIONAGE. The Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) used an Israeli program to illegally monitor up to 10,000 cell phone numbers every 12 months during the first three years of President Jair Bolsonaro's government. The tool called FirstMile allowed the government to track the spatial movement of certain people in real time. The government intelligence body does not have the powers to carry out this type of monitoring on its own, and no judicial authorizations have been given for this purpose. Moreover, there are no internal protocols, records, or authorizations to regulate how this program is used against Brazilian citizens.

  • DEPOLITICIZATION OF THE BARRACKS. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva met on Wednesday, March 15 with ranking naval officers. On the same day, Brazilian admirals circulated an internal message that establishes a period of 90 days for all soldiers in the navy to resign from political parties at the risk of being punished. The depoliticization of the armed forces has been one of the main challenges for Minister of Defense José Múcio Monteiro, a civilian who took office in January, appointed by Lula to fulfill the difficult task of both pacifying and charging members of the armed forces linked to former President Bolsonaro and to the extreme right in general.

  • TRIP TO CHINA. President Lula da Silva will leave on the country on March 24 for a visit to China. The trip is planned to last six days. China is now Brazil's main trading partner and relations between Brasilia and Beijing are the target of growing attention from the US government. Lula wants to make this trip an opportunity to strengthen ties with his allied base in Congress, and even with opposition parties. This week the current administration sent the Brazilian Congress a list with more than 20 names of congressional representatives and senators who will be traveling with Lula to Beijing.

  • SENATE SESSION. The US Senate Foreign Relations Committee held a session on Brazil on Wednesday, March 15 with Assistant Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere Brian Nichols and Deputy Special Envoy for Climate Richard Duke. Among the topics addressed were issues related to the environment and indigenous peoples, in addition to the defense of democracy. More broadly, senators were concerned about the United States losing ground to China and also about Brazil's reluctance to take a firmer stance against Russia in the Ukraine war.

  • RETURN OF BOLSONARO. Bolsonaro announced that he intends to return to the country on March 29. He traveled in Orlando, Florida, on December 30, two months after he lost the presidential elections to Lula da Silva and two days before his inauguration. Although he has set a date for his return, the leader of the Brazilian extreme right said he will still assess conditions on the eve of the trip, before embarking. In Brazil, he is the target of 15 investigations that could result in the revocation of his political rights. The main one concerns the meeting held with foreign ambassadors in Brasília on July 7, 2022, in which Bolsonaro raised unfounded doubts about the Brazilian electoral process.

  • SAUDI JEWELRY. The Ministry of Justice has given Bolsonaro five days to turn over to the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Republic the multi-million-dollars gifts that he received from the Saudi government during his term in office. They include watches, necklaces, rings, and cufflinks made of diamonds and other precious stones. In addition, a rifle and a pistol received from the government of the United Arab Emirates must also be given to the government. Bolsonaro has taken into his personal possession an uncertain number of high- value gifts that had been given to him by foreign governments. At least one of these gifts, estimated to be worth more than US$ 3 million, was withheld by the Federal Revenue Service because Bolsonaro's team did not declare it or pay the corresponding taxes upon entering the country. More than an ethical and moral debate, the case threatens to further complicate the legal situation of the former Brazilian president.

  • NEW NOMINATIONS. This week, the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil sent to Senate Foreign Relations Committee a list of possible nominees to represent Brazil in embassies and international organizations. The names will replace the nominations made by the previous government. According to press reports, the current consul of Brazil in Chicago, Benoni Belli, appears to be considered to represent Brazil at the Organization of American States. Sérgio Danese is a possible new head of the Brazilian Mission to the United Nations. At the World Trade Organization, the nominee is Guilherme Patriota, currently consul general in Tokyo. All these possible candidates will need to go before the Senate for a confirmation hearing in order for their nominations to be approved by the upper house.

 

Feature Article

by Alvaro de Azevedo Gonzaga Kaiowá

The Federal Government Must Demarcate Indigenous Lands and Guarantee Health and Indigenous Education

One of Brazil’s undeniable characteristics is a multifaceted reality made up of people of different colors, races, ethnicities, beliefs, and cosmovision of life.

The Native peoples form their own microcosm within this reality. We Indigenous people are made up of 305 different ethnic groups. The most numerous are the Tikunas and the Guaranis. In addition, we have many languages, most of them derived from the same linguistic trunk, as in the case of Guarani, from which Kaiowá derives, among many others. The way of life of our peoples is also extremely varied. We have, for example, an estimated 115 uncontacted I Indigenous peoples, of which 28 are confirmed in this category and 87 are still under investigation.

The course of Brazil's history has been unquestionably negative for Indigenous peoples. Brazilian society was built on the heritage of the territory of the approximately 4 million Indigenous people who lived here. This society became rich with what Father Antônio Vieira called “red gold.” In this process, Indigenous peoples received by charity or by osmosis some of the attributes that are now an essential part of their culture.

The integration of these peoples into Brazilian society does not bring, as a counterpart, independence or freedom, much less does it solve their elementary problems of survival today. Currently, there are still lands to be demarcated. But that's not all: the lands that have already been recognized as Federal property still run the risk of being canceled through legal changes, not to mention the risk of being simply invaded and stolen to satisfy capitalist economic desires.

The variety of colors, races, ethnicities, beliefs and cosmovision of life also manifests itself in a range of anguishes and struggles. In the North, the Yanomami need food so they don't starve, while the Barés fight the miners and loggers who killed Dom Phillips and Bruno Pereira in the Amazon rainforest. In the Northeast, the Pataxó fight for the preservation of their lands in Coroa Vermelha. In the Midwest, the Guaranis are fighting to maintain their lives so as not to be shot dead. In the South, there is racism against Indigenous peoples, as is the case with the Kaingangs, victims of constant attacks by those who question their Indigenous origins. In the Southeast, there is the struggle for land in an urban context and the fight for housing, often in the outskirts of cities.

The disrespect for Indigenous culture and its cosmovision appears in the most varied forms, including crimes, such as the ethnocide against Tanaru, also known as the “Indigenous Man of the Hole,” the last surviving member of an Indigenous group, whose body was vilified under the false argument that an investigation would be carried out. In the end, his bones were returned to be buried without the rites of his ethnicity, which since his death has possibly become extinct.

Peoples living in urban centers constitute around 40 percent of the total Brazilian Indigenous population, according to data from Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). Often, these Indigenous people are classified as brown (pardo). They are frequently excluded from quotas established for Indigenous peoples in selection processes. It is common for them to be treated as subordinates, who also are affected by urban violence.

How do we unite the more than 30 percent of those ethnic groups living in isolation and the approximately 40 percent that are living in urban areas? Let us recall the brilliant thinker and decolonizer Paulo Freire who stated: “The divergent unite to defeat the antagonistic.” Among the Indigenous differences, which are many, there are themes that are common and unite us against the antagonistic ones.

In March of 2022, the musician Caetano Veloso called on people to come to the Demonstration in Defense of Land (Ato pela Terra), with the participation of important indigenous leaders, in addition to many others who, unable to travel to Brasília, issued a united cry for the Earth in the countryside and in the city.

We Indigenous people have been fighting for land for over 522 years. We have more than 522 lands to demarcate and another 13 that only depend on the signature of the president of the republic.

Indigenous health is another issue that deserves attention. We have a big challenge ahead because of budget cuts of around 60 percent 2023 and the difficulties imposed by Covid-19.

The first major challenge is the dire situation of the Yanomami in Roraima, who need to expel the illegal miners operating on Indigenous land. There are 28,000 indigenous people there and 14,000 of them are sick with malaria, malnutrition and other ailments, surrounded by a mining population of 20,000 individuals. In addition, ultraconservative religious groups are present in this context, benefiting from public money to catechize Indigenous peoples.

In our Working Group in the Transition Process for the new Lula administration, we called for the creation of an education secretariat for indigenous peoples, rather than a coordination office, which has less space and less autonomy.

The new FUNAI – formerly called the National Foundation for the Indian and today called the National Foundation for Indigenous Peoples – is no longer part of the Ministry of Justice. It now functions within the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples. The term “Indian” had a very strong ideological connotation and made people associate the Indigenous with negative characteristics, such as the idea that they were lazy, indolent, primitive, savage, backward or even cannibals, in addition to the fact that it ignored all of the diversity present among the original peoples. The struggle we face today is to strengthen and rebuild this entire sector of the government by investing in the careers of its employees and encouraging civil service exams to hire people.

Demarcating land, protecting health and improving education: this is the tripod.

It is difficult, but we have always been, will be, and will not stop being together for unity and respect for Indigenous peoples.

Alvaro de Azevedo Gonzaga Kaiowá is an Indigenous person from the Guarani Kaiowá ethnic group and author of the book Indigenous Decolonialism. He is a professor of law at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo and a member of the Indigenous Parliament. He participated in the Transition Team of the new Lula government.

 

Feature articles express the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editors or WBO.

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