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            gabrielabernd@gmail.com   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏   ͏
        
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      <p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;">May 5 2026 | <strong>Nº 5 </strong></p>
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      <p style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;text-align:center;" class=""><strong>Brazil 2026: Fragmented Power and the Struggle for Governability</strong></p>
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      <p style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;margin-top:0cm;margin-bottom:9pt;" class=""><em>By <strong>Paulo Abrão</strong><br>Executive Director of the <a href="https://www.braziloffice.org" rel="nofollow" style="color:#0e8ac4 !important;">Washington Brazil Office</a></em></p>
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      <p style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;line-height:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;" class="">Brazil’s 2026 elections are unfolding in a context where the electoral contest increasingly overlaps with a broader struggle for control over institutions. What is at stake is no longer only the choice of the next government, but also the effective capacity to govern in an environment marked by fragmented power and growing institutional assertiveness.<br>In recent days, Congress has consolidated itself as a central actor in this process. The Senate’s unprecedented rejection of a presidential nominee to the Supreme Court, along with its override of an executive veto on legislation related to the 2022 coup attempt, signal a legislature willing to impose direct political costs on the government. More than isolated events, these developments point to a rebalancing of power among branches of government, with implications likely to extend into the next political cycle.</p><p style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;line-height:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;" class=""><br>At the electoral level, the presidential race remains defined by equilibrium and structural constraints. Lula da Silva and Flávio Bolsonaro remain locked in a statistical tie, while high rejection rates limit both candidates’ capacity to expand beyond their core bases.</p><p style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;line-height:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;" class=""><br>At the same time, the government is repositioning its economic agenda as a political instrument. Broad debt-relief measures aimed at households and small businesses suggest an effort to reconnect with financially strained segments of the electorate and to shape the electoral environment through high-impact public policy. The use of economic policy as an electoral tool is not new in Brazil. It dates back at least to the monetary stabilization of the Real Plan in the 1990s.</p><p style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;line-height:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;" class=""><br>The institutional and international dimensions are also increasingly intertwined. Tensions with the United States, trade disputes, and the prospect of high-level bilateral meetings underscore the growing external exposure of Brazil’s election. Meanwhile, debates over press freedom, institutional trust, and the integrity of the electoral system remain salient, reflecting persistent challenges to democratic consolidation.</p><p style="color:inherit;font-size:1.125em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'DejaVu Sans Condensed', 'Liberation Sans', 'Nimbus Sans L', 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif;letter-spacing:-.01em;line-height:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;" class=""><br>The 2026 election is thus being defined not only by the selection of an immediate winner, but by the conditions for governability that will follow. In a context of fragmented power, the central question is no longer only who will win but who will be able to govern.</p>
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