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      <p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;height:1.618em;margin-top:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"></p><h3 style="color:inherit;margin:1.414em 0 .5em;font-weight:400;line-height:1.25em;font-size:1.44em;mso-line-height-alt:1.44em;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;letter-spacing:0em;"><strong>Editorial</strong></h3><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>Three Signs of Third-Way Weakness</strong></p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">There were a few demonstrations this week of political weakness among forces unaligned with either former president Lula and Jair Bolsonaro. First, it was reported that União Brasil, the party born of a merger between the Social Liberal Party (PSL) and Democratas, has lost 16 members of Congress in just over a month. As a union of conservative forces—Bolsonaro ran for president in 2018 as the PSL candidate, enabling the party to grow far beyond the small stature it had traditionally displayed—União Brasil was expected to be a major player in the 2022 election. However, with many members now leaving to join Bolsonaro in the Liberal Party (PL), União Brasil has seen its once commanding position erode significantly.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">The second sign that politicians of the so-called “third way” are failing to break through was the fact that senators Rodrigo Pacheco of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and Alessandro Vieira (Cidadania) both dropped out of the presidential race after polling in the low single digits for weeks. The PSD will still likely figure into the campaign. As Gilberto Kassab, the head of the party, put it: “The PSD will have a candidate for the presidency of the Republic. All our effort is for that to be Governor Eduardo Leite, from Rio Grande do Sul.” Leite has emerged as a surprising potential addition to the race after having lost the primary in his own party, the Party of Brazil Social Democracy (PSDB), late last year.&nbsp;</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><br>Meanwhile, in order to shore up their own positions on the left, Rede and the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL) announced that they would be joining forces in a federation. Leading members of PSOL have made clear that they are likely to support Lula in the presidential election, forgoing a candidacy of their own for the first time since the party was founded in 2004. Rede, for its part, is riven by internal debate about which path to take. Marina Silva, the former minister of the environment who founded the party and remains its leading light, is disinclined to support Lula, at least in the first round. Her inclination is reportedly to enable the party faithful to support the candidate of their choosing. Marina has been courted by another former cabinet minister in the Lula administration, Ciro Gomes, and appears more inclined to accept his advances. Ciro has failed to crack double digits in the polls and, when asked, has expressed his unwillingness to publicly support Lula ever again. More intriguing is the route Marina will take, not necessarily because she can deliver a considerable number of votes to the former president but because her decision to support Lula or not will reveal a great deal about the appetite among putatively progressive forces to set aside vigorous disagreements in the past for the sake of defeating a common enemy this year.&nbsp;<br></p>
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      <h3 style="color:inherit;margin:1.414em 0 .5em;font-weight:400;line-height:1.25em;font-size:1.44em;mso-line-height-alt:1.44em;margin-top:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;letter-spacing:0em;"><strong>Highlights</strong></h3><ul data-rte-list="default" style="padding-left:25px;"><li style="font-weight:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:15px;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>A THIRD WAY OUT? </strong><a href="https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/uniao-mdb-e-psdb-decidem-anunciar-candidatura-unica-em-1o-de-junho/" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;">Three parties of the center and the center-right have announced yet another attempt to unify around a single candidate.</a> This is the latest in ongoing attempts to rally around one person as opposed to splintering the share of the vote unwilling to vote for either Lula or Bolsonaro. Together, União Brasil, the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB), and the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) have said they will announce a joint nominee&nbsp;on June 1.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;height:1.618em;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"></p></li><li style="font-weight:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:15px;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>RESTORING PETROBRAS:</strong> In response to skyrocketing gasoline prices, Lula has promised to reinvest in the refining capacity of state-owned oil conglomerate Petrobras, which he argues has been systematically undermined by Bolsonaro and his predecessor Michel Temer. <a href="https://www.correiobraziliense.com.br/politica/2022/03/4993303-lula-afirma-que-petrobras-sera-devolvida-para-o-povo-se-ele-for-eleito.html" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;">"It's shameful that Brazil is going through what it is going through. Don't blame the war in Ukraine or the pandemic,"</a> Lula said. “In fact, the blame lies with those who govern this country, who have no concern with developing Brazil, with guaranteeing the sovereignty of this country, with making this country an effectively respected and sovereign nation.”</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;height:1.618em;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"></p></li><li style="font-weight:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:15px;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>A LOYAL SOLDIER: </strong>After spending four years in the small Brazilian Labor Renewal Party (PRTB), Vice President Hamilton Mourão joined the larger Republicanos. It is widely assumed that Mourão will not run for reelection alongside Bolsonaro, with whom he has occasionally publicly disagreed, in order to pursue a senate seat for Rio Grande do Sul. Nevertheless, Mourão declared his enduring support for the president. Bolsonaro, he stated, <a href="https://www.uol.com.br/eleicoes/2022/03/16/mourao-discurso-filiacao-republicanos-bolsonaro.htm" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;">“knows perfectly well that he has all my loyalty and unrestricted support for his re-election, which I consider key to guiding the solutions so that Brazil reaches its manifest destiny, which is to be the largest and most prosperous liberal democracy below the equator.”</a></p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;height:1.618em;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"></p></li><li style="font-weight:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:15px;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>AN UNDUE AWARD: </strong>Prominent indigenous leaders sharply criticized the Ministry of Justice this week for awarding Bolsonaro the<a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/16/absurd-brazil-awards-bolsonaro-medal-of-indigenous-merit" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;"> “medal of Indigenous merit.” </a>Sonia Guajajara, national coordinator of the Association of Brazil’s Indigenous Peoples (APIB), called the move “absurd,” citing the myriad harms that have befallen indigenous people both as a result of the Bolsonaro administration’s actions and its omission. “It is outrageous that the same government that is trying to legalize mining on Indigenous lands, putting these persecuted and mistreated peoples’ very existence at risk, has the nerve to grant itself medals of ‘merit’ for all the ill it has done,” Congressman Alessandro Molon said in a statement.&nbsp;</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;height:1.618em;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"></p></li><li style="font-weight:normal;margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:0px;margin-left:15px;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>NEW CANDIDATE?</strong> &nbsp;After a trip to the United States last week, the governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Eduardo Leite (PSDB) do Sul, declared that he is seriously considering changing parties and accepting the PSD's invitation to run for president.</p></li></ul>
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      <h3 style="color:inherit;margin:1.414em 0 .5em;font-weight:400;line-height:1.25em;font-size:1.44em;mso-line-height-alt:1.44em;margin-top:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;letter-spacing:0em;"><a href="https://www.braziloffice.org/en/articles/social-networks-and-elections-in-times-of-disinformation" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;">Feature Article</a></h3><p style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;text-align:center;" class=""><strong>Social Networks and Elections in Times of Disinformation</strong></p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><em>by </em>David Nemer</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><br>While in the United States, people connect through Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, in many other countries, particularly those in the Global South, people unite through messaging apps like WhatsApp and Telegram. WhatsApp has been popular in Brazil since it entered the market in 2009. In 2018, there were around <a href="https://items.ssrc.org/extremism-online/the-human-infrastructure-of-fake-news-in-brazil/" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;"><span style="font-size:inherit;font-weight:inherit;line-height:inherit;margin:0;text-decoration:underline;">120 million active WhatsApp users, out of a total population of 210 million</span></a>. About 96 percent of Brazilians with access to a smartphone use WhatsApp as one of their main methods of communication. Brazilians use the messaging service as a hub for all social networking activity: keeping up with friends, sharing pictures, debating politics, sharing news, and conducting business in the informal economy, which <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/latamcaribbean/2020/06/03/the-impact-of-covid-19-on-brazils-precarious-labour-market-calls-for-far-reaching-policies-like-universal-basic-income/" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;"><span style="font-size:inherit;font-weight:inherit;line-height:inherit;margin:0;text-decoration:underline;">employs thirty-eight million people</span></a>.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">During Brazil’s 2018 general elections, WhatsApp became a hotbed for political campaigns based on disinformation not only because of its affordances and widespread reach in the country but also because of its end-to-end encryption, which ensured that no one besides the sender and the receiver could read the content of messages. Social media platforms, such as Facebook, are often criticized for promoting disinformation and hateful content. Often, this is because the platforms algorithmically amplify such distasteful content. But messaging apps don’t rely on recommendation engines or endless scrolling features to keep people on the app. Instead, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/25/brazil-president-jair-bolsonaro-whatsapp-fake-news" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;"><span style="font-size:inherit;font-weight:inherit;line-height:inherit;margin:0;text-decoration:underline;">human infrastructure</span></a> creates, promotes, and maintains these rage machines.&nbsp;</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">Thus, if Facebook bolstered the Brexit vote and Donald Trump’s election to the White House, the rise of Brazil’s far-right firebrand Jair Bolsonaro owes more to the messaging app WhatsApp. The difference, however, was that the Brexit and Trump campaigns relied on algorithms to create echo chambers, whereas Bolsonaro’s did not. Instead, his campaign assembled a human infrastructure to create a pro-Bolsonaro environment on WhatsApp and spread mis- and disinformation to bolster his candidacy.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">Given the impact that misinformation had on WhatsApp users during these elections, which resulted in electing far-right candidates, Meta (the app’s owner) received a series of heavy criticism from scholars for not doing enough to mitigate the damage caused by disinformation campaigns. Ever since, the company has been implementing new features to slow down the spread of misinformation, <a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-36687-2_31" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;"><span style="font-size:inherit;font-weight:inherit;line-height:inherit;margin:0;text-decoration:underline;">such as limiting message forwarding and labeling messages that are being forwarded</span></a>. While these measures are far from being an ideal solution, they have certainly made it more difficult for Brazilian strategists and campaigners to spread their fake news. Thus, in the search of a "WhatsApp alternative" for future elections, they have found in Telegram Messenger a safe haven for their disinformation campaigns.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">Telegram is quickly expanding its presence in Brazil. In the most recent Panorama Mobile Time/Opinion Box survey, <a href="https://www.mobiletime.com.br/noticias/22/02/2022/telegram-esta-em-60-dos-smartphones-brasileiros/" rel="nofollow" style="color:#aadc00 !important;"><span style="font-size:inherit;font-weight:inherit;line-height:inherit;margin:0;text-decoration:underline;">the app was present on 60% of cell phones in the country</span></a>. Well-known political or media figures on the political far right have created groups and channels on the app and attracted hundreds of thousands of followers - the channel of president Jair Bolsonaro, for example, has over 1 million users. Despite Telegram’s popularity and importance in the country, the app remains a largely unmoderated space, by technical means or otherwise, making it an ideal tool for disinformation campaigns. Misinformation is not the only problem on Telegram: users are able to search and join public channels that are specifically geared towards sharing racist, Nazi, and homophobic content. In this regard, it is important to note that hate speech is not protected by the Brazilian constitution and have been criminalized in the country.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"> There are also public channels where users buy and sell counterfeit goods, guns, and fake vaccination cards.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">Given the disruptive role that major messaging apps and social media platforms can take during this year’s election, the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), responsible for overseeing and controlling the electoral proceedings in the country, has attempted to engage in conversations with their companies in order to understand the efforts taken to reduce the spread of misinformation. However, Telegram has been the only company that has refused to respond to the requests for contact. A group of prosecutors from the Federal Public Ministry (MPF) of São Paulo, which is conducting an inquiry into disinformation and fake news on social media platforms and messaging apps, is considering requesting a temporary blocking of Telegram during the 2022 elections. The prosecutors understand that Telegram is not interested in collaborating with the Brazilian justice system, and that it may be necessary to take any action in order to mitigate the potential harm that the app may cause during the elections.&nbsp;</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">President Jair Bolsonaro has been vocally opposing the consideration of MPF and TSE to possibly suspend Telegram, calling any such move “absurd” and "cowardly.” This is not surprising since Bolsonaro has been benefitting from the spread of misinformation since his first presidential candidacy in 2018.</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;">In the leadup to this year’s elections, Bolsonaro also continues to make unproven claims that Brazil’s voting machines are fraudulent and susceptible to hacking attacks even though he has won every election during the country’s electronic vote era. Reminiscent of Trump’s rhetoric in 2020, Bolsonaro has already said that he may not accept the results of the 2022 election, creating fertile ground for disinformation and extremist acts. All told, Bolsonaro is creating the conditions for a very unstable election environment. If he loses the election, the world should bear in mind the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol and be prepared to witness an even more intense version in Brazil.</p>
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      <p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-top:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>David Nemer </strong>is Assistant Professor of Media Studies and Affiliated Faculty in Latin American Studies at the University of Virginia. He is also a Faculty Associate at Harvard University’s Berkman Klein Center and an Affiliated Scholar at Princeton University’s Brazil Lab. He is the author of <em>Technology of the Oppressed</em> (MIT Press, 2022) and<em> Favela Digital: The Other Side of Technology </em>(GSA, 2013).</p><p class="" style="color:inherit;font-size:1em;line-height:1.618em;margin:0 0 1.25em 0;font-weight:normal;margin-bottom:0;font-family:'Lucida Grande', 'DejaVu Sans', 'Bitstream Vera Sans', Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>Feature articles express the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editors or WBO.</strong></p>
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